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No One Knows What’s Next, But It Cannot Be the Old Two-State Solution
By Elliott AbramsThe future for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is far from clear, but it’s high time to take the moribund formula off life support.

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The future for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is far from clear, but it’s high time to take the moribund formula off life support.

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It's time to consider the Palestinian emirates.

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Amman and Jerusalem need to worry about maintaining peace, not new arrangements in the West Bank.

Monthly Essay ·
October 7 was not Palestine’s independence day, but the final nail in the two-state solution’s coffin. Is confederation with Jordan all that remains?

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Israel should maintain the status quo in the West Bank, and insist that it's temporary.

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Withdrawals are a triple loss for Jews outside of Israel. The only question is how much worse things have to get before that finally sinks in.

Monthly Essay ·
The diplomatic case against territorial concessions.

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The anti-settler konseptzia.

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Deferring dramatic action in the West Bank only works if you take the precautions necessary to survive and thrive.

Observation ·
Two or three thoughts on the “dehumanizing” discourse.

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Watch three leading analysts talk about the Palestinian predicament, and what role Israel's war against Hamas could ultimately play.

Monthly Essay ·
Three catastrophes, all marked by euphoria at the start and denial at the end, have shaped the Palestinian predicament. Has the fourth arrived, and is the same dynamic playing out?

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Heinous violence meant to force everyone to choose sides has long been the recourse of a radical minority that fears time is not on its side.

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After October 7, the possibility of a diplomatic resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has receded from view.

Monthly Essay ·
How generations of Arab thinkers and leaders tried to turn the humiliation of their losses to Israel into a springboard to launch their nations into an enchanted new age.

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It has less to do with ideological conviction than the fact that settlers anchor the IDF in place.

Monthly Essay ·
What was 50 years ago a small band of religious farmer-soldiers has grown into a varied network of nearly half a million. Who are Israel's settlers and what do they really believe?

Observation ·
The belief that Israel has a policy of assassinating reporters has, explicitly or tacitly, now been accepted by much of the liberal world.

Observation ·
The land to the east of the Mediterranean has gone by many names, all of them designed to make a political point.

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To give Gazans a stake in their economic development, Israel could encircle Gaza with economic opportunities just beyond its borders—and thus just outside the terrorists’ control.

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There are four possibilities for the Gaza Strip's future, from continued decline to Egypt stepping in. Which is most likely?

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There are plenty of nice plans for Gaza, but none that will change the core truth: Hamas will continue to seek Israel's destruction, and Israel will continue to defend itself.

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As long as Gaza is a problem for Israel, Egypt can play an important role as a mediator, prove its usefulness as an ally to the U.S., and avoid its slide into irrelevance.

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Palestinians deserve a chance to elect a decent government without corruption or terror. Political reform can make Gaza better, and Israel more secure. Here's how it could happen.

Monthly Essay ·
The fourth conflict in the last twelve years between Israel and Gaza looks remarkably like the first. What happened?

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In thrall to a moral impulse rather than a real strategy for peacemaking in Israel, America's peace processors won't stop, won't learn, and won't succeed.

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The challenges to peace today are different than they were thirty or even ten years ago. It's better to focus on them rather than beating an already well-flogged horse.

Monthly Essay ·
For decades, America's foreign-policy establishment has, in the name of peace, incentivized conflict in the Middle East. Now that it's back in power, can it learn from its mistakes?

Observation ·
The don of liberal Zionism has come out against a two-state solution. His argument is delusional and messianic. But that's not the real problem with it.

Observation ·
It's said that the Oslo peace process was born in that room in Jerusalem in 1992. The truth is much different.

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